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Nordic news media policies

Image: Hönö, Sweden, by Tor Guttormsen
The digitalisation and globalisation of the media landscape have posed new challenges for media policy decision-making at the national level.
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As discussed in the introduction to this report, the overall technological development in combination with a country’s media policy shapes the external framework for the news media in a specific market. A company engaged in news journalism is generally subject to a wide range of laws and regulations, which vary depending on the country in which the company operates. This comprises everything from general constitutional laws, which regulate freedoms of the press and expression, to more specific laws dealing with, for example, data protection, copyright, marketing and advertising, digital accessibility, and labour law issues.In addition, ethical rules and professional guidelines may emerge within the framework of the self-regulatory system of the news media in a country.
In light of this plethora of laws and regulations shaping the operations of contemporary professional news media, the term media policy is usually used for political instruments that specifically relate to the democratic function of the media, for example, with regard to the universal right to information and to a diverse media offering. The Nordic region has historically been associated with ambitious media policies, in which the states choose to play active roles in the development of both the media market in general and the news media market specifically.
That said, the design of national media policy has varied among the Nordic countries, and also over time, not least as a consequence of the accelerating technological development in the media sphere. The digitalisation and globalisation of the media landscape have posed new challenges for media policy decision-making at the national level.
The design of national media policy across the Nordics is also influenced in various areas by legislation at the EU level. One example is the so-called Audiovisual Media Service Directive (AVMSD), which aims to create common rules for audiovisual media services within the EU and which, among other things, contains common rules on advertising and consumer protection. Another is the EU’s rules on state aid, which affect the conditions for both publicly funded public service media and subsidies to private media companies. A third example is the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which entered into force in 2024 and aims to protect the freedom, pluralism, and independence of the media within the EU. The EMFA also contains rules aimed at ensuring the independence of public service media from political or economic influence.
Over time, the EU has become increasingly important in shaping the media policy frameworks in the Nordic countries, which has reduced the possibilities for national variations. However, a more detailed review of the implementation and consequences of the European regulatory frameworks in the Nordic countries falls outside the scope of this report. The same applies to the constitutions and national laws that regulate the legal rights and obligations of the Nordic news media in their respective countries.
In the following, the focus is instead on three media policy instruments that in different ways aim to actively promote the existence of free and independent news journalism in the Nordic region and that are mainly regulated at the national level; first, the missions of public service media to produce and distribute news journalism; second, the existence and design of subsidy schemes intended to provide a direct financial contribution to private news media; and third, the existence of indirect subsidy schemes designed to promote a commercially financed domestic news media sector. The latter, more precisely, concerns the existence of targeted tax breaks, in the form of reduced VAT (value-added tax), on the sale of subscriptions to printed newspapers and digital news services.
This section relies on reviews of relevant legal texts, regulations, and directives from each of the five Nordic countries. Unless otherwise stated, the situation is reported as it was at the end of 2025. Unlike other areas covered in this report, there is no common compilation or statistics in the media policy area for the Nordics or the EU, and only in exceptional cases are the national regulations and descriptions of the media policy models translated into English. This applies to both the regulation of public service media and support models aimed at commercial news media. These are conditions that effectively make comparisons difficult both within the Nordic countries and between the Nordics and the rest of Europe when it comes to the design and scope of national media policy systems.

Public service news

Since the launch of terrestrial radio in the 1920s and television in the 1950s, publicly funded public service media have played a central role in the Nordic media markets. The existence of broad and well-funded public service media systems has historically been a defining feature of the media policy of the Nordic countries.
Public service media are generally characterised by being owned or regulated by the state, being wholly or mainly financed with public funds, and having a mission to serve the public good instead of profit. In general, public service media are also required to operate independently, impartially, and objectively. They often also have specific requirements to offer programmes and services that are adapted for people with disabilities, linguistic or ethnic minorities, and children and young people.
All five Nordic countries have one or more public service media organisation commissioned by the state to conduct national – and in some cases also regional – news journalism, making them important players in the Nordic news media landscapes. The Nordic public service media generally have broad missions, spanning everything from news and social information to sports, children’s programmes, documentaries, drama, and entertainment. The following therefore focuses on the regulation and design of the missions when it comes to news reporting. Although all Nordic countries have public service media that produce and distribute news, there are differences in how the news operations are regulated, financed, and organised.
The Nordic public service media generally have broad missions, spanning everything from news and social information to sports, children’s programmes, documentaries, drama, and entertainment.
Although public service media are generally not allowed to sell advertising or charge their users, they still must compete with private, commercially funded media for the attention of the audience. The activities of public service media companies were originally limited to broadcast (i.e., terrestrial radio and television), where the broadcasting space was limited due to technical conditions and therefore needed to be regulated. As the media landscape has become digitalised and the reach of traditional radio and television broadcasts has decreased, the Internet has become an increasingly important platform for public service media as well. In the news market, this has led to tensions with commercially funded news media, particularly newspaper publishers, which have become increasingly dependent on a paying audience online, and who have argued that competition from freely available and publicly funded public service media makes it difficult for private actors to survive in the digital environment. These tensions have to a varying degree led to demands in all the Nordic countries for public service news activities on the Internet to be limited, for example, when it comes to the provision of text-based news.
The following overview describes how public service media in the five Nordic countries is organised and what the Nordic public service media are tasked with in terms of news provision. The empirical evidence comes from the public service media companies’ annual reports and policy documents, as well as from documentation provided by relevant authorities and ministries.

Denmark

In a Nordic comparison, Denmark has the most multifaceted model for public service media, including the publicly funded public service company DR, the national broadcaster TV 2 (owned by the Danish state but run on a commercial basis), and eight independently run regional media houses (referred to as TV 2 regions) that are financed with public service funds. In addition, there are two time-limited assignments to private media companies to deliver content of a public service nature. All Danish public service outlets are tasked with conveying news to varying degrees on their respective platforms.
The overall direction and economic framework for Danish media policy are laid down in large cross-block political agreements. The current agreement applies for 2023–2026 and has been entered into between the Danish government and four opposition parties in the Danish parliament. The media agreement specifies the amount of funding public service media must receive during the period, and based on this, specific contracts and permits are then established for the various public service media.
DR is the oldest and largest player in the Danish public service media system and is tasked with providing a wide range of programmes and services to the entire Danish population via television, radio, and the Internet. DR’s operations are mainly regulated in a special public service contract between DR and the Ministry of Culture. The current contract runs between 2024 and 2026. In the contract, it is stated that DR must offer a broad and targeted range of news on all its platforms, including a news selection for children. In addition to news from all over Denmark, they must also include both international and European perspectives, including coverage of the EU. However, the regulations for DR contain no rules or restrictions regarding the use of text in online news reporting.
DR is organised as an independent public institution and has been financed by tax funds since 2022. During 2024, the public financing of DR amounted to 3,879 million Danish kroner, with a total turnover of 4,305 million (this is 173 million Danish kroner, or 4%, more than the year before). DR does not have permission to sell advertising.
Denmark’s second major broadcaster is TV 2 Danmark A/S, which is a state enterprise, but which, unlike DR, is run on commercial grounds and for profit. TV 2’s public service obligations are regulated in time-limited permits from the Danish Ministry of Culture. From the current permit (2024–2026), it appears that the company must conduct national news operations within the framework of the main channel TV 2 as well as online. The permit also states that TV 2’s head office and main editorial office shall be located in Denmark’s third largest city, Odense.
TV 2 receives no public support from the state and is mainly financed by audience and advertising revenue. TV 2 Danmark’s total revenue amounted to 4,153 million Danish kroner in 2024, with 339 million in profit.
As a complement to DR and TV 2, there are also eight publicly operated regional public service outlets in Denmark (TV 2 regions). Similar to DR, the regions’ mission is regulated in contracts with the Ministry of Culture. The mission includes, among other things, producing and broadcasting regional news from their own region. Unlike TV 2 Danmark, the TV 2 regions are financed with public funds. According to the current media agreement, the total public allocation to the TV 2 regions in 2024 amounted to 574 million Danish kroner. The TV 2 regions are not allowed to sell advertising in connection with their public service mission.
In addition to the publicly controlled public service media, the Danish media agreement also includes two time-limited assignments to private media companies to conduct public service activities, including news. The first includes a service with audio-based content aimed at children and young people (“HULiGENNEM”), which is held by Aller Media during 2023–2026. The second consists of an assignment to operate a “fourth” national radio channel (Radio IIII) alongside DR’s three channels, an assignment that extends until 2027 and is held by a consortium of seven regional media houses and one media house south of the Danish–German border. The two assignments were associated with a public allocation via the media agreement of 12.5 million and 102.2 million Danish kroner respectively in 2024.
As the media landscape has become digitalised and the reach of traditional radio and television broadcasts has decreased, the Internet has become an increasingly important platform for public service media as well.

Finland

Since its inception around 100 years ago, the Finnish public service media system has been organised around a single company, Yleisradio Oy (Yle), whose current public service remit includes broadcasting via television, radio, and the Internet. There are no publicly funded public service remits to private media companies in Finland.
Yle is operated as a state-owned company and is financed through a special tax, decided by the Finnish parliament on an annual basis, which is paid by individuals over the age of 18 and by businesses and organisations. In 2024, Yle’s public funding amounted to 539.7 million euros, with a total turnover of 548.4 million (this is 19 million euros, or 4%, more than the previous year). Yle is not permitted to sell advertising.
In September 2024, the Finnish parliament decided to reduce Yle’s funding by around 10 to 15 per cent over 2025–2027, resulting in significant savings requirements and layoffs within the company. The reduced funding was partly justified based on the general savings requirements applicable to the Finnish public administration.
Yle’s overall mission is defined in the Act on Yleisradio Oy, which came into force in 1994 and has been updated on several occasions since. According to the Act, Yle shall, through its operations, promote freedom of expression, high-quality journalism, and diversity in the media. Yle shall also treat the Finnish-speaking and Swedish-speaking populations in Finland on an equal basis in its programming activities. The Swedish-language content that Yle produces, including news, is organised in a separate unit: Svenska Yle.
The Act does not include anything specific about the direction or organisation of Yle’s news operations, either at the national or regional level; this is therefore a decision that rests with the company’s board and management. However, since 2022, the law has included clear restrictions on Yle’s ability to publish content in text form online. The background to the legislative change is a notification to the European Commission by the Finnish Media Association, the trade association of the Finnish daily press, which claimed that Yle’s use of text in its news reporting violated the EU’s rules on state aid to public service media. The Media Association argued that Yle’s operations should focus on sound and moving images and not text.

Iceland

Since its establishment in the 1930s, the Icelandic system for public service media has been organised in the form of the state-owned company Ríkisútvárpið (RÚV), which today broadcasts media content via television, radio, and the Internet. In Iceland, there are no publicly funded public service missions for private media companies.
RÚV’s operations are regulated by the Act on the Icelandic National Broadcasting Service, a public service medium, and in a four-year public service agreement established by Iceland’s Ministry of Education and Culture. The Act was established in 2013 and has since been revised on several occasions, most recently during 2025. The current public service agreement applies for 2024–2027.
According to the Act, RÚV shall provide a broad, reliable, and objective news and commentary service on current domestic and foreign issues. The operations shall be conducted both from the capital city Reykjavik and via permanent operations outside the capital. According to the public service agreement, the company also publishes news in English and Polish on its website (Poles are the largest ethnic minority in Iceland). RÚV is also expected to cooperate with local media and to work for an editorial presence in underserved areas. However, neither the law nor the public service agreement says anything about how RÚV can use text in its online news reporting.
In no Nordic country is it precisely regulated how much financial or personnel resources the public service media should allocate to news operation.
Unlike the other Nordic countries’ public service companies, RÚV’s operations are financed by both public and commercial revenues, primarily in the form of television and radio advertising revenues (they are not allowed to sell advertising online). The company’s public funding comes from a general public service tax paid by all citizens aged 18–70. In 2024, RÚV’s total revenue amounted to 9,149 million Icelandic krónur (this is 423 million Icelandic krónur, or 5%, more than the year before). During 2024, 6,131 million Icelandic krónur of RÚV’s revenue came from public funds and 2,557 million from advertising.

Norway

Since the 1990s, public service media in Norway has been organised in the form of the publicly funded public service company, Norsk Rikskringkasting AS (NRK), and via tendered time-limited assignments to commercial actors. Since 1992, such a task has been carried out by the private television company TV 2, which is Norway’s largest commercial broadcaster. NRK is run as a state-owned company with the Norwegian Department of Culture and Equality as the main shareholder. TV 2 has been owned since 2012 by the Danish media company Egmont.
NRK operates via television, radio, and the Internet and is financed by an individual public service tax, with the Norwegian parliament deciding the financial framework. The framework for NRK’s organisational and substantive governance is laid down in the company’s statutes (revised no later than 2023), which are ultimately also decided by the parliament. , The company’s current mission and financial framework apply for 2023–2026. During 2024, the public funding of NRK amounted to 6,443 million Norwegian kroner, with a total turnover of 6,678 million (this is 246 million Norwegian kroner, or 4%, more than the year before). NRK does not have permission to sell advertising.
The number of media outlets with a public service mission for news varies from just one in Finland and Iceland to five in Denmark.
NRK’s mission (as stated in the statutes) includes providing news for both narrow and broad target groups and reflecting the diversity of the Norwegian population. The articles of association state that NRK shall have coverage in all Norwegian regions and offer daily regional news broadcasts. This includes a special responsibility to cover thematic and geographical blind spots, as well as contribute to increased knowledge of international conditions. The mission also includes offering content in Sámi and national minority languages.
NRK’s statutes are broadly formulated in terms of how the company’s operations are to be carried out and how different content areas are to be prioritised. The statutes do not contain any requirements on how many or which channels or platforms NRK shall broadcast from, or how the news operations are to be organised. Regarding NRK’s digital presence, the statutes declare that the company’s online services shall offer an updated range of national and international news, as well as factual and background information for news, debate, and current social issues. NRK’s statutes do not contain any restrictions regarding NRK’s online news reporting, or how the company may use text in its online news reporting.
In addition to the publicly funded NRK, the Norwegian public service system includes a directed assignment from the Norwegian state to the private television company TV 2 concerning commercial public service media services. The assignment includes, among other things, providing a national news operation, with daily news broadcasts, and regional editorial presence. The current agreement runs during 2024–2028 and includes financial compensation to TV 2 of 150 million Norwegian kroner per year. This corresponds to around 2 per cent of TV 2’s total revenue, which in 2024 amounted to around 7,400 million Norwegian kroner. The media policy goals of commercial public service media in Norway are 1) to maintain media diversity, 2) to secure a real competitor to NRK, and 3) to secure national news broadcasts that are produced and broadcast outside of the capital city Oslo. TV 2’s headquarters and main editorial office are located in Norway’s second largest city, Bergen.

Sweden

Since the 1990s, public service media in Sweden has been organised into three independent companies: Sveriges Radio AB (SR), whose activities are mainly focused on sound; Sveriges Television AB (SVT), whose activities are mainly focused on moving images; and Sveriges Utbildningsradio AB (UR), whose mission is focused on educational content. The companies are owned by a statecontrolled foundation and are financed by a special public service tax, which is paid by all residents over the age of 18 with a certain income. Public service media companies in Sweden do not have the right to sell advertising.
In 2024, the public funding of Swedish public service media amounted to 9,527 million Swedish kronor, of which SVT accounted for 5,584 million (6,013 million total turnover), SR for 3,184 million (3,294 million total turnover), and UR for 475 million (477 million total turnover). Altogether, the three public service media companies had a turnover of 10,076 million Swedish kronor during 2024 (this is 555 million, or 6%, more than the year before).
Of the three Swedish public service companies, SR and SVT are commissioned by the state to conduct national and regional news activities. In Sweden, there are currently no publicly funded public service assignments for private media companies. Public service in Sweden is regulated from and including 2026 by a new public service law instituted by the Swedish parliament. The law sets out central rules for public service media companies’ overall mission and independence, as well as how they are to be managed, financed, and audited. The content-related assignments and the annual allocation of funds are not specified in the law but are determined by the government. On 1 January 2026, a new mission period begins, valid until 2033. The mission states how large an estimate the company will receive for each year during this period. From and including 2026, the Swedish public service media companies’ content assignments are technology-neutral, which means that they have the opportunity to fulfil their assignments either in broadcast, online, or both.
Both SR’s and SVT’s missions include providing broad and comprehensive news coverage throughout the country, specifically in areas with weak coverage, based on a decentralised editorial organisation. The companies are to reach the entire population regardless of the broadcast format, and SR’s mission specifically includes providing news in various minority languages.
The Swedish public service assignments are only broadly formulated in terms of how the assignment is to be carried out and how different programme categories are to be prioritised. Nor do they contain any specific directives regarding the two public service companies’ online news reporting, or how they may use text in their online news reporting. However, both companies must report from 2026 on how and why they use text in their online news. SR and SVT are also instructed in the new directives to pay particular attention to the competitive situation of private news media and to have a continuous dialogue with private actors in order to protect a diversified and viable media market in Sweden.

Five countries – five different models for public service news

As we have seen from the national overviews, public service is a central element in the Nordic media landscape, also in terms of news reporting. In all five Nordic countries, publicly funded news operations are conducted on the basis of statedefined public service missions. In all cases, these are broadly defined mission descriptions, but they consistently emphasise the importance of independence, objectivity, and a special responsibility to reach the entire population. However, in no Nordic country is it precisely regulated how much financial or personnel resources the public service media should allocate to news operations or how news should be prioritised in relation to the other programme categories included in the public service mission, such as documentaries, entertainment, or sports. These are decisions that in all Nordic countries are left to the executive management of the individual public service media companies.
But that is where the similarities generally end. As shown, the Nordic countries have chosen various designs for their public service media systems, both in terms of organisation and financing. For example, the number of media outlets with a public service mission for news varies from just one in Finland and Iceland to five in Denmark. And in Denmark and Norway, public service missions are also given to private actors in addition to the publicly owned ones. Unique in the Nordic region, Sweden has separate public service companies for radio and television.
At the same time, some general patterns can be recognised in the design of the news missions of the Nordic public service media, as shown in Table 4.1. At the end of 2025, there were a total of eleven media outlets in the Nordic region with public service obligations in terms of news provision. Ten of these had a public service mission that involved news broadcasts via terrestrial television (eight), and/or radio (six). Only one medium – HULiGENNEM in Denmark – had a mission that was exclusively focused on news provision online (and only to children). The legacy from the broadcasting era is therefore still tangible when it comes to the regulation of public service media in the Nordic region, even though all public service media also have a mission to provide news online.
TABLE 4.1 Nordic media outlets with public service news remits, 2025
Country 
Outlet 
Platform
Scope
Ownership
Funding
TV 
Radio 
Online 
National news 
Regional news 
Public 
Private 
Tax 
Ad sales 
Denmark 
DR 
x
x
x
x
x
x
 
x
TV2 
x
x
x
x
x
TV2 Regions 
x
x
x
x
x
Radio IIII 
 
x
x
x
x
x
HULiGENNEM 
 
x
x
x
x
Finland 
Yle 
x
x
x
x
x
x
 
x
Iceland 
RÚV 
x
x
x
x
x
x
 
x 
x
Norway 
NRK 
x
x
x
x
x
x
 
x
TV 2 
x
x
x
 
 
x
x
x
Sweden 
SVT 
x
x
x
x
x
x
SR 
x
x
x
x
x
x
Total 
8
6
11
10
7
8
3
10
3
Comments: N = 11
Furthermore, it appears that public service media in the Nordic countries has a focus on national news provision. In ten out of eleven cases, the public service mandate was focused on national news provision to a national audience. For six of the public service media, the national news mandate was combined with a mandate to also conduct news provision regionally. In only one case – the eight Danish TV 2 regions (which have been considered as one outlet in this report) – was the news mandate focused exclusively on regional news provision.
In terms of ownership, it is also clear that public service media is mainly under state control in the Nordics, although the exact ownership arrangements vary. Eight out of eleven public service media are owned and controlled directly or indirectly by the state. In the three cases that are based on private ownership (i.e., in Denmark and Norway), the public service mandate is provisional in its design and based on time-limited procurements in the private market.
In line with the dominance of public ownership in Nordic public service media, public funding, primarily through tax revenue, is also the dominant form of financing for public service news in the Nordics. Eight of the eleven public service media are prohibited from strengthening their financial position through advertising or audience revenue. Only one state-owned public service company – the Icelandic RÚV – finances its operations through a combination of public funding and advertising revenue.

Direct subsidies to private news media

In addition to well-funded public service broadcasters with broad missions, Nordic media policy has historically been characterised by financial support schemes aimed at also supporting the commercial news media sector. Direct subsidies to private news media, or more specifically newspapers, have been an integral element of media policy in the Nordic region since the late 1960s. However, although the overall media policy objectives have been similar across the countries – such as media diversity and a varied supply of news – the existence and design of the subsidies have differed.
The rapid technological development, the increasingly globalised media landscape, and changing advertiser and audience behaviours have substantially altered the commercial realities of both national and local news media outlets. The development has put pressure on existing media policies across the Nordic region, both in terms of how they are designed and how much money they are assigned.
The following overview first presents the political objectives and regulatory frameworks governing news media subsidies in the Nordic countries in 2025. It then provides an up-to-date picture of media subsidies in each of the Nordic countries as well as the changes that were planned, or at least proposed, by official bodies by the end of 2025. In addition, the financial scope of the subsidies is presented.
In all the Nordic countries, the objectives of the direct media subsidies include a goal of ensuring diversity in the news media sector.

Objectives and regulatory frameworks

In all the Nordic countries, the objectives of the direct media subsidies include a goal of ensuring diversity in the news media sector. In Denmark, Iceland, and Sweden, there is also an explicit ambition, stated in the purpose clause, to strengthen each country’s democracy.
The objective of the Danish Media Subsidy Act is to promote a diverse and pluralistic range of news of social and cultural relevance, with the aim of strengthening Danish democracy and the democratic debate in the country.
The Swedish subsidy scheme has a similar purpose: to strengthen democracy by promoting public access to independent, high-quality news reporting. This goal is to be achieved primarily by ensuring access to local and regional news coverage throughout the country, but also by contributing to a diversity of general news media of high quality.
The overarching objective of the media subsidy scheme in Iceland is to strengthen the position of domestic media in relation to the challenges posed by competition from foreign streaming and social networking services. In addition, an amendment to the Media Act stipulates that, in order to strengthen the democratic role of the media, a predictable system of support shall be in place. The subsidy has been temporary, but it was extended to remain in effect through 2025.
In Norway, the purpose of the Media Subsidy Act is to facilitate a diversity of editor-controlled journalistic media throughout the country by contributing to predictable economic conditions for media operations and by strengthening the independence of media subsidy administration.
Finland differs slightly from the other Nordic countries in this regard. The country had not had a direct media subsidy for several years but introduced a temporary one in 2023. The objective of the temporary subsidy was to support comprehensive and socially important dissemination of information, as well as the diversity and pluralism of news activities. This regulation applied for 2023–2025, although funding was only allocated in 2023. However, there is a subsidy for newspapers and online publications published in a national minority language, as well as support to produce news services in Swedish, Finland’s second official national language.

Denmark

The present Danish media subsidy model, introduced in 2014, replaced the previous distribution subsidy and instead focuses on supporting the production of journalistic content. The subsidy is predominantly aimed at text-based content.
As a result of the Media Agreement (2023–2026), the media subsidy was amended in 2024 to provide greater redistribution of support to local and regional news media. In addition, the text requirement was reduced, allowing content consisting of audio and moving images to be supported to a greater extent. Until this change, all schemes under the media subsidy had been targeted at news media, but from 2024, the editorial production subsidy may also be granted to two new categories of media: magazines and weekly freesheets [ugeaviser].
The Danish media subsidy schemes had a total appropriation of 541.5 million Danish kroner in the 2025 Finance Act (see Table 4.2).
The main subsidy scheme – editorial production support – is a grant for the production of editorial content for printed and Internet-based news media. Approximately 370 million Danish kroner, or about 68 per cent of the total media subsidy, relates to this form of support.
In late 2025, an expert group appointed by the Danish government presented a proposal for a new subsidy model, where the special schemes under which several media outlets have so far received support would be abolished. Instead, a single, unified basic support model would be introduced, with equal conditions for all journalistic media. It would be platform-neutral, meaning that support would be granted based on the journalistic function rather than the form of distribution – whether broadcasting, print, or online. The proposal, or parts of it, may be implemented no earlier than 2027.
TABLE 4.2 Media subsidy schemes in Denmark, 2025 (million DKK)
Media subsidy scheme 
 
Appropriation
Subsidy for news media 
Main, editorial production, scheme 
369.6 
Supplementary scheme 
50.1* 
Innovation fund 
33.3 
Other editorial production subsidies 
Magazine fund 
32.1 
Weekly newspaper fund [ugeaviser] 
56.4 
Total 
541.5 
Comments: *No specific appropriation is set in the Finance Act for the supplementary scheme, and the amount shown has therefore been calculated on a technical basis by the Ministry of Culture in Denmark.
Source: Ministry of Culture Denmark (2025a)

Finland

In a Nordic comparison, Finland has historically been characterised by very limited support for private news media. In 2023, Finland did, however, introduce a timelimited state subsidy for newspaper delivery. The purpose of the subsidy is to ensure the continued distribution of print newspapers five days a week in areas that lack a commercially viable morning delivery network or comprehensive fiveday morning distribution. The subsidy is intended for companies that commit to carrying out newspaper delivery in accordance with the subsidy conditions (see Table 4.3). The subsidy period runs from October 2025 to September 2026, with a total of 15 million euros allocated for the subsidy over the two years.
Finland’s direct media subsidy, 0.5 million euros in 2025, may be granted for a newspaper or online publication published in one of the national minority languages – that is, Sámi, Karelian, Romani, or Sign Language – as well as for supporting the production of news services in Swedish. The appropriation may also be used to produce content in Sámi or Karelian that forms part of a newspaper published in Finnish or Swedish.
TABLE 4.3 Media subsidy schemes in Finland, 2025 (million EUR)
Media subsidy scheme 
Appropriation 
Subsidy for publication published in national minority languages 
0.5 
Subsidy for newspaper delivery 
7.5 
Total 
8.5 
Source: Finnish Transport and Communications Agency (2025a, 2025b)

Iceland 

Iceland’s temporary media subsidy for private news media, both local and national, was extended to remain in effect throughout 2025. According to the government’s parliamentary timetable, a more permanent media support scheme is expected to be introduced in the beginning of 2026. The allocation for 2025 amounted to 550 million Icelandic krónur, excluding fees for the work of the allocation committee and other administrative costs (see Table 4.4). 
TABLE 4.4 Media subsidy schemes in Iceland, 2025 (million ISK)
Media subsidy scheme 
Appropriation 
Subsidy for private media 
550 
Total 
550 
Norway 
Just as in Denmark, the production subsidy is Norway’s largest form of direct media subsidy. As much as 440 million of the total 532.3 million Norwegian kroner in media subsidies for 2025 was allocated to this single scheme (see Table 4.5). All news and current affairs media, both print and online, apart from broadcasters, are eligible to apply. 
The Norwegian scheme is particularly aimed at news media operating in local markets that are too small to be commercially sustainable, as well as at news media that serve as alternatives to the leading outlets in larger local markets. The purpose of the production subsidy is to address market failures affecting smaller media and secondary outlets in such markets.
The regulation on production subsidies for news and current affairs media was revised by the Ministry of Culture and Equality in 2024. Several amendments were introduced, including increased subsidies for newspapers in Svalbard and inflationbased adjustments to the support ceiling. Newspapers in Svalbard are now placed on an equal footing with those in Northern Norway, meaning they receive double the basic subsidy. In addition, it is no longer a requirement for newspapers to be published in print to qualify for support.
In addition to the large production subsidy, there are also three smaller support schemes for local broadcasting, innovation and development, and Sámi newspapers.
The subsidy for local broadcasting is intended to assist local radio stations with limited resources in their transition to digital broadcasting, while the innovation support is specifically aimed at promoting editorial and content-related innovation and development in small, local news and current affairs media. The last of the schemes is for Sámi newspapers. The current subsidy scheme applies only to print publications. However, in a proposal put forward by the Ministry of Culture and Equality in 2025, the scheme would also allow digital media to receive support. Both Norwegian- and Sámi-language newspapers are covered by the subsidy scheme for Sámi newspapers.
The Norwegian Media Authority presented, in late 2025, a proposal for a revised media support scheme. The proposal is intended to form part of the basis for the forthcoming media policy guidelines from 2027. It includes, among other things, adjustments to the production subsidy, introducing clearer minimum requirements for national media, a new category for smaller national general-interest media, and clarifications regarding which outlets should be covered by the scheme for national niche media.
The report also proposes the gradual discontinuation of digitalisation support for local radio. In addition, it recommends prioritising measures that can stimulate news consumption among young people. Project-based support for media with Sign Language is also highlighted as a priority area, in line with Norwegian Sign Language’s status as a national language.
TABLE 4.5 Media subsidy schemes in Norway, 2025 (million NOK)
Media subsidy scheme 
Appropriation 
Production subsidy for news and current affairs media 
440.0 
Innovation and development subsidy 
24.0 
Support for local broadcasting 
23.9 
Subsidy for Sámi newspapers 
44.4 
Total 
532.3 
Source: Norwegian Media Authority (2023, 2025b, 2025c, 2025d)

Sweden 

The Swedish media subsidy system underwent a comprehensive reform in 2024, when a new framework was introduced. The core of the old system, the operational subsidy, primarily focused on printed newspapers and so-called secondary newspapers (i.e., the smaller paper in a local market). 
The current news media subsidy scheme consists of four forms of support: a general editorial subsidy, an extended editorial subsidy, a transitional subsidy for newspapers that received operational support in 2023, and a newspaper distribution subsidy (see Table 4.6). In 2025, the total amount of subsidies amounted to 871.9 million Swedish kronor.
The largest of the subsidies is the general editorial subsidy. Almost 40 per cent, or 328 million Swedish kronor, of the subsidies fall within this part of the support system. The general editorial subsidy may be granted for the editorial activities of general news media that meet the universal eligibility requirements for media subsidies and that either provide relevant local and regional news coverage, are of particular importance for media diversity, or serve groups that are underserved in terms of journalistic coverage. 
The extended editorial subsidy may in turn be granted for two types of initiatives: measures in areas with weak journalistic coverage and measures in one or more of the national minority languages. 
The distribution subsidy is granted to printed subscription-based news media for copies distributed through morning delivery. 
The purpose of the transitional subsidy is to facilitate the adjustment for daily newspapers that received operational support under the previous system in 2023. Transitional support may be granted until 2028 at the latest. 
TABLE 4.6 Media subsidy schemes in Sweden, 2025 (million SEK)
Media subsidy scheme 
 
Appropriation
Subsidy for news media 
General editorial subsidy 
327.8 
Extended editorial subsidy 
214.5 
Transitional subsidy 
287.4 
Other direct media subsidies 
Newspaper distribution subsidy 
42.4* 
Total 
871.9 
Comments: *Figure for 2024.
Source: Swedish Agency for the Media (2025a, 2025b, 2025c, 2025d, 2025e)

Nordic news media subsidies schemes compared

When all funds allocated to various forms of direct media subsidies for news and current affairs media in the Nordic countries are considered, Denmark spent the most on media support in 2025 (measured in euros per capita). That year, Denmark invested just over 12 euros per capita in its media subsidy system (see Table 4.7). 
Following Denmark was a middle group consisting of Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, which each allocated between 9.7 and 7.4 euros per capita in media subsidies. In Iceland’s case, however, certain specific circumstances apply: first, the amount refers to a gross figure, from which administrative fees and related costs will be deducted; second, the country’s considerably smaller population affects comparisons of this kind. Finland allocated the least funding by some margin, with only 1.4 euros per capita in news media subsidies in 2025. 
TABLE 4.7 Direct news media subsidies in the Nordic countries, 2025 (EUR)
Country 
Total subsidies (millions) 
Per capita 
Denmark 
72.6 
12.1 
Finland 
8.0 
1.4 
Iceland* 
3.8 
9.7 
Norway 
45.6 
8.2 
Sweden 
78.6 
7.4 
Total 
208.6 
7.4 
Comments: *Gross, before deduction for administrative costs. Exchange rate, average first half of 2025, according to the European Central Bank.

Indirect subsidies to private news media 

In addition to the direct financial support programmes for the private news media sector, Nordic news media companies are also subject to indirect state support to varying degrees. Indirect state support is when a state provides financial benefits to companies or organisations – not through direct money, but through measures that reduce their costs or give them a competitive advantage, for example, tax breaks. The most important indirect state subsidies for private Nordic news media today consists of VAT breaks, which means that they pay less tax on their sales revenue than they would otherwise have done. 
VAT (value-added tax) is a consumption tax applied to goods and services. The EU has several basic rules for VAT, but how they are applied can vary among countries. 
In each EU member state, there is a standard tax rate that applies to most goods and services; in 2025, the average standard VAT rate in the EU was 21.8 per cent (i.e., a good or service that originally costs 100 euros has a final price for the consumer of 121.8 euros). Hungary (27%) and Finland (25.5%) had the highest standard VAT rates, followed by Croatia, Denmark, and Sweden (25%). The EU member states Denmark, Finland, and Sweden are thus above the EU average in terms of standard VAT. This also applies to Norway (25%) and Iceland (24%). 
FIGURE 4.1 Standard VAT and VAT on news media, 2025 (per cent)
Comments: VAT on news media refers to tax on subscriptions and single-issue purchases for the consumer. VAT on digital and printed news media was the same in all Nordic countries in 2025. *Danish news media are exempt from VAT, but instead need to pay a labour tax [lønsumsafgift] equivalent to 3.54% of sales.
Source: VAT Rules and Rates (Your Europe, 2025)
VAT is generally an important source of revenue for a country’s governmental finances. However, EU member states may apply special VAT rates to certain goods and services under certain specific conditions, and in some countries, certain goods and services are VAT-exempt. A common motive for reducing, or even removing, VAT can be to promote behaviour and habits in the population that are considered of particular importance from a political perspective. This can concern public health and education, but also culture and the dissemination of information.
Subscriptions to newspapers and other forms of paid-for news media are among the products that have come to be subject to reduced VAT rates in many countries. Since news media companies then need to pay less VAT to the state than they would have had to under the standard tax rate, VAT reductions on news media can be considered indirect state support for media industry players. 
In all Nordic countries, general news media are exempt from the standard tax rate. This applies regardless of whether they are distributed and sold in printed form or digitally. However, the levels of the tax reduction differ. 
In both Denmark and Norway, news media are exempt from VAT. Norway was the first country in the world to introduce zero VAT for digital news media in 2016, a time when digital sales by news media were subject to full VAT. In Denmark, VAT on digital news media was removed in 2019, though Danish news media still need to pay, as of 2025, 3.54 per cent of the value of sales in a labour tax [lønsumsafgift]. In Sweden, VAT on news media is 6 per cent, in Finland 10 per cent, and in Iceland 11 per cent. Iceland introduced a reduced digital VAT in 2018, and Sweden and Finland reduced digital VAT at the same time as Denmark in 2019. 
As is the case for direct news media subsidies, it is thus not possible to identify a uniform Nordic model when it comes to indirect support for private news media. Unfortunately, the EU does not provide any comprehensive statistics on the specific VAT rates that individual member states apply to printed and digital news media; however, news media being completely exempt from VAT, as in Norway and Denmark, seems to be an exceptional circumstance. At the same time, the VAT levels in Finland and Iceland (10% and 11%, respectively) appear to be relatively high in a European comparison. 

Summary 

The purpose of this section has been to present a comparative overview of the national media policy models aimed at promoting free and independent news journalism in the Nordic countries in 2025. We have first examined the assignments of Nordic public service media when it comes to providing news, and then the existence of direct and indirect subsidy schemes aimed at the commercially funded news media sector. 
The overview has shown that the Nordic countries assign a central role to public service media when it comes to news journalism. In all five countries, public service media are expected to provide nationwide news coverage and, in most cases, also regional news. Nordic public service news organisations are typically publicly defined, publicly funded, and required to operate independently, impartially, and in the public interest. That said, the organisation, regulation, and funding of public service media vary significantly across the region. Also, the mandates regarding news coverage are with few exceptions broadly formulated, leaving editorial priorities and resource allocation largely to the public service media companies themselves. Between 2023 and 2024, the total revenue of the publicly funded public service media covered in the overview grew 4–6 per cent. 
Despite digitalisation, public service regulation remains strongly shaped by the broadcasting era. All but one public service news provider in the Nordic region operate on television and/or radio, even though all also distribute news online. The presence of public service news distributed online has not been uncontested, and tensions between public service media and commercial news organisations have increased in the digital era, in some cases, most significantly Finland, also resulting in regulatory limits on public service activities online. 
This overview has shown that all Nordic countries also operate direct subsidy schemes aimed at supporting private news media. These schemes share the objective of safeguarding media diversity, and in most cases explicitly aim to strengthen democracy. While the overall goals are similar, the design, scope, and size of subsidies differ significantly. Some systems focus primarily on editorial production, and others on distribution, innovation, or minority-language journalism. Per capita spending also varies considerably. 
In addition to the direct support schemes, reduced VAT rates on news media function as an important form of indirect state support in all Nordic countries. Both printed and digital news subscriptions benefit from reduced taxation compared with standard VAT rates. This reflects a shared political view of news as a socially valuable good that merits favourable tax treatment. Also in this case, there is no unified Nordic model, as the five countries differ greatly when it comes to the levels of the VAT-reduction rates. 
As for more country-specific characteristics, the section has shown the following: 
  • Denmark has the most complex public service media system in the Nordic region, combining a fully public broadcaster (DR), a commercially operated state-owned broadcaster (TV 2), eight publicly funded regional television organisations, and time-limited public service contracts awarded to two private media outlets. Denmark also operates the most extensive and generous direct media subsidy system per capita, with recent reforms aimed at making support more platform-neutral and redistributive. News media are exempt from VAT but subject to a special labour tax (3.54%).
  • Finland relies on a single public service media company, Yle, funded through a dedicated tax. In contrast to other Nordic countries, Finland has introduced legal restrictions on Yle’s use of online text-based news, following complaints from commercial publishers. Also, the overall public funding of Yle has been significantly cut by the Finnish government, starting in 2025. Direct subsidies are limited and partly temporary, focusing on minority-language media and newspaper delivery rather than general editorial production. Finland applies a reduced but relatively high VAT rate (10%) on news media.
  • Iceland employs a public service media system centred on RÚV, which is distinctive in combining public funding with broadcast advertising revenue. Iceland operates a temporary but comparatively substantial direct subsidy scheme for private media, motivated by the need to strengthen domestic media against global platforms. VAT on news media is reduced (11%) but higher than in the other Nordic countries.
  • Norway combines a strong public service broadcaster (NRK) with a commercially owned broadcaster (TV 2) operating under a publicly funded public service contract. Norway has a long-standing and generous production subsidy scheme targeting local and secondary news outlets, complemented by support for Sámi media and innovation. Norway applies zero VAT to both printed and digital news media.
  • Sweden has a public service media system organised into separate independent companies for radio (SR), television (SVT), and education (UR), all funded through a public service fee, and with SR and SVT being assigned to provide national and regional news. A new public service law from 2026 introduces long-term funding frameworks and requires greater consideration of commercial media competition, including transparency around online text use. The eight-year timespan of the public service remit stands apart in a Nordic comparison. Sweden reformed its media subsidy system in 2024, shifting towards platform-neutral editorial support. News media benefit from a reduced VAT rate (6%) but are not VAT-exempt.
NORDIC NEWS MEDIA LANDSCAPES 2025 | NORDICOM
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